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Dec 17, 2009

Can Newspaper Ad Revenue Recover in 2010?

This is a short excerpt of a longer post I am preparing on newspaper print advertising trends, but a post today by Alan Mutter encouraged me to publish this small excerpt.

Mutter expresses skepticism about the rosy advertising scenario presented by U.S. newspaper executives in a survey conducted by Kubas Consultants. As this table from the Kubas report shows, newspaper executives are hoping for flat advertising revenue in 2010, with a 15% increase in online (approximately 10% of 2009 revenue) offsetting small declines in every print category.

I am particularly curious about the poll's findings regarding retail advertising, which after the steep declines in classified advertising over the past few years, will account for just over 50% of total print ad revenues in 2009, making it the biggest driver of the overall results.

The following graph (click to enlarge) plots retail ad revenue per subscriber against per capita personal consumption expenditures (PCE) for 1952 - 2009. Both the ad revenue and PCE data have been adjusted to constant 2008 dollars using the consumer price index (CPI-U).

Presumably there is a relationship between the amount of goods and services companies sell to consumers each year (represented by PCE) and the amount those companies are willing to spend to reach each consumer or household by advertising in newspapers.


And indeed there is a relationship, or more accurately, several relationships. From 1952 through 1990, newspapers sold retail advertising equal to about 1.76% of personal consumption expenditures on a predictable basis. Coming out of the 1990 recession, however, there was a clear downward shift in the relationship and for the next decade, retail ad sales ran at about 1.52% of personal consumption. (see note 1).

After the 2001 recession, there was another shift down in the relationship between ad spending and personal consumption; and for the next five years, retail ad spending in newspapers was basically flat in real terms. It's worth noting that in real terms, retail ad spend actually peaked in 2000.

Finally, since 2006, real retail ad revenue has plummeted as the recession took hold (in December 2007) and consumers abandoned their free-spending ways.

Recessions often act as antidotes to inertia by making households and companies (link added 04/15/10) reassess how and where they spend their money. Advertisers almost certainly used the past two recessions to reassess their spending in newspapers, and it's a fair bet they'll do the same as the current recovery unfolds.

A slavish reading of the most recent trend suggests that retail ad spending will simply continue to plummet like a rock falling off a cliff. This could happen, but I doubt it. Ad spending, even in newspapers, should respond to an eventual recovery. But making economic predictions around recessions and recoveries is notoriously difficult since prior recessions and recoveries provide limited relevant precedent. To paraphrase Tolstoy, if periods of prosperity are all alike, every recession unfolds in its own way.

But I'll take a stab at it. In a related analysis, I have compared changes in retail ad spending to changes in PCE on a quarterly basis. This analysis suggests that it will take real growth of 3.2% in per capita PCE just to keep retail ad spending per subscriber flat. It would take a sharp "V-shaped" recovery to reach that level of growth, but the WSJ has published a consensus estimate of 3.8% for GDP growth for 2010.

If GDP does grow at 3.8% and per capita PCE matches this growth, retail ad spend per subscriber could come in at +1.5% in real terms. Add 2.0% for inflation if you believe that newspapers will have any pricing power, then subtract 3% for subscriber attrition and you get 0.5% growth.

More pessimistically, if you assume GDP growth (and PCE) come in at 1.7% (the average from the 1992 and 2002 recoveries), retail ad spend per subscriber could come in at minus 4.0%. Assume no pricing power and subscriber attrition of 5% and overall retail ad spending would shrink by 9%

The precision of the numbers should not mislead about the confidence of the forecaster, but for my money, I think a range of flat to down 10% for newspaper print advertising feels about right.


note 1. A more precise, but likely less clear statement about the relationship would say, "From 1952 to 1990, for every $1,000 increase in real consumption expenditures per capita, spending on retail ads (per subscriber) in newspapers increased by 1.76% of this amount, or $17.60." For each of the regression lines, the intercept terms are small enough to make me comfortable with statement in the text.

note on data sources. Annual retail ad spend and paid circulation data comes from the Newspaper Association of America website. Personal Consumption Expenditure data, Consumer Price Index - All Urban and Population data are from the St Louis Federal Reserve Bank's FRED database.

Dec 10, 2009

Rupert Murdoch has penned a refreshingly sensible post on his blog, The Wall Street Journal op-ed page.

Mr. Murdoch makes four generally agreeable points:
  • Newspaper publishers should stop whining about technology and figure out how to use it.
  • Quality content is not free.
  • The old ad-supported newspaper model is "dead", so paid content is the future.
  • Government funding of newspapers is a supremely bad idea.
There's more of course, and publishers without the breadth of News Corp's resources may find Mr. Murdoch's prescriptions for success elusive or unattractive.

True, Mr. Murdoch's Wall Street Journal successfully charges for its online content, but it's the exception that proves the rule. And when Mr. Murdoch writes, "media companies need to give people the news they want," I can hear some publishers harrumphing he's got it backwards: real journalists want to give people the news they need.

I wholly endorse Mr. Murdoch's sentiments regarding government funding of newspapers (Is there anyone who remembers Pravda as a model of independent journalistic achievement?) I'm even sympathetic to his predictable plea for less media regulation, although he's so wrapped in the flag of his adopted thirteen colonies as he calls for relaxation of the FCC's cross-ownership rules his detractors will undoubtedly recall Samuel Johnson's observation about patriotism and scoundrels.

Mr. Murdoch's candid acknowledgement that the old business model for newspapers is broken is a welcome change from the chorus of "blame Google" laments that have turned "Future of Media" confabs into the conference circuit equivalent of Japanese Noh theater.

But Mr. Murdoch is not prepared to let bloggers and online news aggregators off easily. He writes:

"[T]here are those who think they have a right to take our news content and use it for their own purposes without contributing a penny to its production. Some rewrite, at times without attribution, the news stories of expensive and distinguished journalists who invested days, weeks or even months in their stories—all under the tattered veil of 'fair use.'"

"These people are not investing in journalism. They are feeding off the hard-earned efforts and investments of others. And their almost wholesale misappropriation of our stories is not 'fair use.' To be impolite, it's theft."

"Right now content creators bear all the costs, while aggregators enjoy many of the benefits. In the long term, this is untenable. We are open to different pay models. But the principle is clear: To paraphrase a famous economist, there's no such thing as a free news story, and we are going to ensure that we get a fair but modest price for the value we provide."

In a nutshell, Mr. Murdoch asserts the same argument made by Supreme Court Justice Mahlon Pitney in the 1918 case International News Service v. Associated Press. In that case, a 6-2 majority upheld a lower court injunction prohibiting International News Service from "bodily appropriation" of freshly published Associated Press news stories, which were often telegraphed westward and published simultaneously in competition with AP-affiliated newspapers on the U.S. west coast. In the case, Associated Press prevailed on a theory of unfair competition (copyright was not an issue because it was generally unavailable to news stories at that time) in a case that established "misappropriation" as a form of unfair competition.

Over time, the force of International News Service v. Associated Press with regard to the original issue has faded, in part because subsequent jurists and legal scholars concluded that the formidable dissenters in the case, Justice Holmes and Justice Brandeis, had the better arguments, but also because of changes to copyright law in the intervening decades.

Lately, however, David and Daniel Marburger have circulated a paper advocating an amendment to copyright law that would effectively reinstate publishers' rights to enjoin aggregators from republishing without consent. What's more, current Associated Press CEO, Tom Curley, has been floating the notion of a licensing "head start" for cooperating publishers and aggregators, a central theme in the 1918 case. This idea seems to be gaining traction among publishers, and the threat may be partly responsible for some of Google's recent conciliatory gestures toward the publishers.

But in a wonderful irony, while Mr. Murdoch's argument reads like the majority opinion he favors, his words echo Justice Brandeis's right up to the conclusion:

"Plaintiff further contended that defendant's practice constitutes unfair competition because there is 'appropriation without cost to itself of values created by' the plaintiff, and it is upon this ground that the decision of this Court appears to be based. To appropriate and use for profit, knowledge, and ideas produced by other men without making compensation or even acknowledgment may be inconsistent with a finer sense of propriety, but, with the exceptions indicated above, the law has heretofore sanctioned the practice." (emphasis added).

For a fascinating, detailed and eminently readable overview of the case, I recommend University of Chicago Law School's Douglas G. Baird's "Property, Natural Monopoly and the Uneasy Legacy of INS v AP".





Dec 4, 2009

Murdoch's Sun Encourages File-Sharing, Deep Linking

The theme's been done before, but News Corp's tabloid, The Sun is running an advert touting the paper as "The UK's Best Handheld for 40 Years."

The spot is cute, if a bit predictable; but what struck me was the message, "This is how easy it is to share content with friends" (at the 0:38 mark).



Nov 3, 2009

Newspaper Circulation

The Audit Bureau of Circulation's report last month showed daily newspaper circulation plunging 10.6% from year-ago levels, a dramatically steeper decline than the historical trend. Not surprisingly, many commentators see the accelerating decline as the end (or at least the terminal stage) of the newspaper format. And they'll be right in less than a decade if circulation continues to drop by the current pace of 4-5 million subscribers per year. On the other hand, Daniel Gross over at Slate is not so sure and he recommends that we all just "chillax". In Gross's view, the recent decline may be largely explained by general economic conditions.

"... there's nothing ipso facto shocking about a decline in patronage of 10 percent in six months... In case anybody has forgotten, we've had a deep, long recession, a huge spike in unemployment, and a credit crunch. Consumers have cut back sharply on all sorts of expenditures.... Many other components of consumer discretionary spending—hotels, restaurants, air travel—have fallen off significantly. Do we draw a line from trends over the last few years and declare that in 15 years there will be only a handful of hotels? I'm not sure why we would expect consumption of a purely discretionary item that costs a few hundred dollars per year not to fall in the type of macroeconomic climate we've had."

Gross also reminds us that many publishers took steps that predictably reduced circulation, including raising prices and discontinuing home delivery to outlying suburban areas that could no longer be served economically.

Extrapolating from two data points is a highly uncertain business so Gross is right to recommend caution, especially when current cyclical factors may greatly exaggerate secular trends. For his part, Gross declares, "At some point in the future, newspapers may disappear. But count me in the later rather than sooner camp." But a peek at longer-term trends suggests that difference between "sooner" and "later" may be shorter than one might think. The chart below plots total daily circulation from 1940 through 2009 (the shaded areas indicate recessions).

(click chart to enlarge)


These circulation numbers come from the Newspaper Association of America (spreadsheet available here). For 2009, I have reduced the NAA's 2008 statistic by the Audit Bureau of Circulation's estimate that April-September 2009 average circulation was down 10.6% from the prior year period, resulting in an average daily circulation estimate of 43.4 million for 2009. (Over at his Newsosaur blog, the estimable Alan Mutter extrapolates a 2009 estimate of 39.1 million, but without his underlying data, I cannot reconcile that number to the NAA historical estimates, which are probably counted differently from the ABC numbers anyway).

The long-run trend is unmistakable. Circulation peaked 36 years ago, in 1973 but remained relatively stable until the 1990's when it began a steady downward trend, which accelerated in 2003, and appears to have accelerated even more in 2009.

The data provide some support to Gross's thesis: in the 1974 slowdown and the 1980-82 "double-dip" recession, circulation declined temporarily, but rebounded with economic recovery. By my calculations, those recessions caused circulation to decline about 2.2% vs. the trend from the five years preceding the recession.

More recently, during the two relatively mild recessions of 1990 and 2001, if the recessions caused any decline in circulation, there was no subsequent recovery. In fact, the decline in circulation accelerated as the economy emerged from those two recessions. So I suspect Gross is right that the current recession has accounted for some of the circulation decline; but if past recessions are any guide, the measured 10.6% decline reported by the ABC might be only 8.0-8.5% in a healthy economy. This is hardly reassuring news for the industry and recent history argues against a significant post-recession rebound. Even ignoring the recent plunge, if the trend from the past five years (excluding 2009) were to continue, total daily newspaper circulation would fall to 33 million by 2020, which seems optimistic in light of the manifest challenges faced by the industry.

It's also useful to consider newspaper circulation per household. By this measure, newspaper circulation has been declining steadily since World War II with most of the decline coming from the near-extinction of the afternoon daily. Over half a century, circulation per household has declined by 1.4 percentage points per year with remarkable consistency.

(Click chart to enlarge)

No doubt the introduction of evening newscasts on television 50 years ago reduced the perceived value of the afternoon paper, but even in 1980, the year CNN was launched, afternoon circulation actually exceeded morning circulation. Since then, afternoon circulation has all but disappeared. Morning circulation, which trended up in the 1980's (presumably as afternoon subscribers switched) and was relatively flat during the 1990's, has been dropping steadily since 2000, around the time that household penetration of high-speed internet access began in earnest.



(Click chart to enlarge)

As with the raw data, extrapolating the current year's trend suggests that newspapers would cease to exist by 2017. This is the "breathless" conclusion Gross warns us against, and his caution is warranted because (if for no other reason) as marginal subscribers quit, the remaining subscriber base is, by definition, the most loyal to the medium.

Still, longer-term trendlines based on the full data set and the period since 1999 yield very similar predictions, namely that circulation will fall to about 20% of U.S. households by 2020 (I'm ignoring the fact that some households may take multiple papers). Against the backdrop of the long-term trend, and with the internet acting as an obvious catalyst for further declines, this prediction seems entirely plausible.

But even if a loyal subset of households want their morning newspaper, the bigger question is whether the business model will continue to work at decreasing scale. As I have argued
elsewhere, the newspaper industry historically enjoyed enviable returns to scale. As the industry shrinks, it may fall through a threshold level of scale (call it the "Tripping Point") below which the model is irretrievably broken and the publishers themselves pull the plugs on the presses.

Where might this threshold be? The approximately 40% decline in advertising revenue over the past 18 months put many papers through a near-death experience. Even if ad spending returns to pre-recession levels, a 40% reduction in circulation from today's levels (which would occur in 2018 according to the long-term trend) might be unsustainable if it implies a corresponding 40% reduction in ad revenue.

Further, if only two out of ten households take the morning paper at some point in the next decade, can home delivery continue to be justified? At some point, route density starts to work against the industry and the paper-boy may go the way of the milkman.

Chicago Trib to AP: "Cancel my subscription"

The Chicago Tribune is testing whether it can live without Associated Press content.